SEC Sues Crypto Exchange Bittrex Shortly After It Announces It's Leaving U.S. Markets

At the end of March, a long-lasting and prominent cryptocurrency exchange, Bittrex, announced it would no longer do business with U.S. citizens because “it’s just not economically viable for us to continue to operate in the current U.S. regulatory and economic environment.”

Then on Monday, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) hit Bittrex with a lawsuit in U.S. District Court in the Western District of Washington.

Among the charges: “Bittrex has been operating as an unregistered broker (including by soliciting potential investors, handling customer funds and assets, and charging a fee for these services) and an unregistered clearing agency (including by holding its customers’ assets in Bittrex-controlled wallets and settling its customers’ transactions by debiting and crediting the relevant customer accounts).

The company has “operated the Bittrex Platform as an unregistered exchange by providing a market place that, among other things, brings together orders of multiple buyers and sellers of crypto assets and matches and executes those orders,” the SEC asserts. In doing so, Bittrex has met the demonstrated market needs of thousands of Americans, some of whom, given the rise in some crypto asset values in the past half-decade, have undoubtedly changed their lives enormously for the better.

Bittrex is accused of clearly knowing they might run afoul of the SEC, with the suit citing “Bittrex’s coordinated campaign, going back to 2017, to direct issuers of crypto assets to ‘scrub’ their public statements of any language that could raise questions from the SEC as to whether these crypto assets were offered and sold as securities, while allowing those securities to be traded on its platform….Bittrex knew what statements to ask issuers to ‘scrub’ because it understood the test to determine whether a crypto asset was being offered and sold as a security.”

The SEC wants Bittrex to stop violating the various securities laws it insists it has been breaking, and to “disgorge on a joint and several basis all ill-gotten gains,” with interest.

SEC Chair Gary Gensler has long mocked people in the virtual currency business who complain of lack of regulatory clarity and how the agency practices what many in the field see as arbitrary “regulation through enforcement,” occasionally hitting some market player for some version of dealing in unregistered securities. These have included XRP/Ripple (the subject of a long-ongoing lawsuit), LBRY, Beaxy, Kraken, and Gemini.

The twists and turns and reasonings of how and when one is dealing with a “security” can seem quite opaque. To attempt a simplistic understanding, one needs to go back to the 1946 Supreme Court case SEC v. W.J. Howey.

As explained in an earlier Reason article on the SEC’s threats against leading U.S. market crypto exchange Coinbase:

Whether or not a financial instrument, agreement, or coin in the virtual currency space constitutes a “security” under the reigning “Howey test” … continues to be a matter that courts seem to have to sort out on a case-by-case basis. While complex, as most legal definitional principles are, a central element of Howey is that the buyer and seller of the product are involved in a common enterprise involving a monetary investment in which reasonable expectation of profit is derived from the effort of others. Most argue that most virtual currencies are more like commodities whose values fluctuate based on mass market demand, not based on any effort of the original issuer. As Coin Center Director of Research Peter Van Valkenburgh explained in an interesting article assessing whether ether (the second-highest-market-cap virtual currency) should be legally categorized as a security, there is a meaningful distinction between a virtual object that may at some time have been part of some arrangement or offer that might be reasonably seen as a security and a virtual object that is in and of itself always a security.

A December 2022 article published at the Social Science Research Network, “The Ineluctable Modality of Securities Law: Why Fungible Crypto Assets Are not Securities,” makes a similar argument. The authors, lawyers with a firm called DLx specializing in the blockchain space, insist that while “capital raising from investors, whether involving sales of crypto assets or anything else of value, is incontrovertibly subject to the protections provided by U.S. securities laws….Expanding the reach of federal securities law to characterize fungible crypto assets as securities is both unnecessary and misguided” once the virtual currencies are out in the market being bought, sold, and held by entities with no relation to any original issuers to whom they could be said to be in a common enterprise expecting profit based on the effort of others.

Gensler thinks it’s simple: with bitcoin an exception (roughly, since it never involved any single entity raising money from the public), and ether maybe as well, pretty much every other virtual currency is to him a security; anyone dealing in them without registering with his agency is a criminal. And he will, maybe, probably, eventually, get around to tossing you against the wall. This week it’s Bittrex’s turn. The suit against them lists several virtual currencies Bittrex facilitated trading in that the agency asserts are securities, including Dash, Algo, and NCC.

Just yesterday, before the House Financial Services Committee, as the Wall Street Journal reported, Gensler again repeated that “I’ve never seen a field that is so noncompliant with laws written by Congress and confirmed over and over again by the courts….It’s not a matter of lack of clarity,” insisting crypto market players should understand “that they are providing exchange services, broker-dealer services, clearing services of crypto security tokens.”

Kristin Smith of the Blockchain Association told the committee in a statement that “Gensler’s testimony perfectly reflects the SEC’s approach to the crypto economy: confusing, unclear, opaque, and ultimately blind to the harm its regulation by enforcement strategy is doing to lawful companies in this country.”

Gensler’s SEC also this week announced it believed most decentralized finance (DeFi) platforms using virtual currencies and contracts should also be considered “exchanges” regulatable by them. SEC Commissioner Hester Peirce, far softer on crypto than Gensler, said, as Coindesk reported, that the SEC’s new scheme regarding DeFi “‘articulates confusing and unworkable standards.’ Noting last year’s destruction of so much of the centralized crypto industry, she added that ‘it seems perverse to me that we would be encouraging centralization.'”

Gensler has been known to suggest it’s a mystery to him why exchanges don’t just step right up and register with the SEC, implying that the legal fact they must is obvious and that doing so is straightforward and easy.

It is, for one thing, remarkably complicated and expensive, though surely Gensler would think that isn’t his problem. But as a detailed essay published by crypto investment firm Paradigm explains, the crypto business has qualities that pre-21st century dealers in items that the SEC might consider securities do not:

[Gensler’s] suggestion that crypto companies can register by “filling out a form online” fails for a … straightforward reason: until the SEC adapts the registration framework to the unique aspects of digital assets, it is impossible to “come in and register.” The current registration forms rely on a set of disclosures that are inadequate for crypto’s unique aspects and leave investors vulnerable. Registration also entails a host of additional regulations for the token, the reporting company, and other participants in the ecosystem that makes the functioning of most crypto protocols impossible.

Indeed, the reason there are virtually no registered token offerings in the US is because the SEC has failed to provide any  actionable guidance, issue a single rule or constructively engage with anyone in the crypto industry to provide a workable regulatory framework for security tokens.

In another essay from Paradigm explaining exactly how complicated both in application and later functioning it is to simply register with the SEC, for token issuers or exchanges, it is pointed out “tokens that register as securities would not be tradeable on existing crypto exchanges, none of which are registered as a national securities exchange. But there are also no registered national securities exchanges that can trade tokens. … But more fundamentally, the current regulations are incompatible with disintermediated trading.” Paradigm gives historical case studies about how tokens that have tried to play ball with the SEC all signed their own death warrants by doing so.

Gensler likely thinks the incompatibility of crypto markets—or the very existence of virtual currency—and existing securities law is appropriate, that in fact none of them should exist.

Some in the crypto space see a set of government actions lately, including the SEC’s recent muscle-flexing against exchanges, the closing amid various varieties of government pressure of two banks that were big deals in the crypto space, Silvergate and Signature, denying crypto bank Custodia out of Wyoming membership in the Federal Reserve system, and many other pressures on banks that deal with crypto, as constituting a clear and present conspiracy to just squeeze the entire industry out of existence. Some are calling the situation “Chokepoint 2.0” after last decade’s “Operation Chokepoint” aimed at harming various state-disfavored businesses from porn to guns.

Coinbase’s CEO Brian Armstrong said this week that bugging out from U.S. jurisdiction is a possibility for his company as well. Many in the crypto-watching space seem resigned that, at least under this administration, the U.S. government actively wants almost no virtual currency business to occur under its jurisdiction or involving its citizens.

Debate: Bitcoin Is the Future of Free Exchange

Bitcoin Is an Effective Tool for Liberty

Affirmative: Alex Gladstein

Joanna Andreasson

There was a time when it was fair to question whether bitcoin was an effective tool for liberty. In its first few years, when the digital currency didn’t have many users, wasn’t worth very much, and lacked global markets, it was more a dream than a lifeline. But those days are long gone. Today, millions of people—especially in dictatorships and collapsing economies—rely on bitcoin to give them liberty that governments and corporations try to steal away.

Most bitcoin users aren’t “freedom fighters” or “dissidents” in the classic sense. Some are: human rights activists in Belarus, investigative journalists in Russia, humanitarians in Ukraine, feminists in Nigeria, pro-democracy organizers in Togo, educators in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan, and even whistleblowers in the West. But the vast majority are simply people finding value in a financial network that can’t be devalued, censored, or stopped. One doesn’t need to see oneself as a revolutionary to want a digital form of cash that doesn’t require ID and doesn’t need permission from the state to operate. One might just be trying to escape from a broken fiat system.

If liberty is freedom and self-sovereignty, then bitcoin is the purest expression of financial liberty. It gives anyone—regardless of birthplace, nationality, age, gender, creed, skin color, education, or wealth—access to the best-performing financial asset of the last decade. It lets anyone with a cellphone send and receive value from anyone else, regardless of what governments think and regardless of borders and political restrictions.

Bitcoin is a superb tool for fundraising for human rights groups and journalists at risk. But it’s also—much more importantly in terms of global economic volume—a superb tool for merchants accepting payments from customers in a different country, for employers making payments to employees or contractors half a world away, or for laborers sending remittances to families overseas.

For people in the Global South, bitcoin might be much more valuable than for people in advanced economies. For example, Africa is still divided by more than 45 central banks and 45 different fiat currencies. It is also exploited by colonial currencies like the French CFA franc, and by a neocolonial payment infrastructure where 80 percent of all inter-African payments are processed by American or European companies and where the average fee to send a $200 cross-border payment or remittance from the U.S. or Europe to sub-Saharan Africa is 7 percent.

Making matters worse, corrupt governments enforce a fake “official rate” of exchange in many countries. In Nigeria, the dollar trades for 750 naira on the street but just 450 at regulated institutions. For many companies in Africa, bitcoin is a major upgrade. It allows them to send and receive value at the real exchange rate in seconds from anywhere in the world, colonial boundaries and rent-seeking intermediaries be damned.

Bitcoin can also be an important tool for liberty for citizens of the United Kingdom or Japan or the United States. What if they have family living in the Global South, where sending money is a persistent problem? What if they have friends or clients in Palestine or Cuba, where economic barriers make it difficult if not impossible to send money digitally through the legacy system? What if they have upset the administrators of the payment platform du jour—Patreon or PayPal, perhaps—and are no longer able to collect donations from their fans? Then despite their financial privilege, bitcoin can be a big help.

At its core, bitcoin protects one of the most fundamental liberties—property rights. All it takes is a few minutes of Wi-Fi to download a bitcoin app, back up the seed phrase, and generate an address. Then voila: You now have a way for anyone else in the world to pay you. No one can confiscate your funds without access to your private key. No one can debase your earnings. No one can prevent you from sending value to anyone else. Before Satoshi Nakamoto invented bitcoin in 2009, property rights existed at the pleasure of the state. A group of men with guns enforced them. Today, in the post-bitcoin world, property rights exist regardless of the state. Now they are protected by math.

Bitcoin inarguably has room to grow. Its privacy, user interface, and liquidity leave much to be desired—and are constantly improving. These upgrades will be desperately needed as the world edges closer to a place where governments consolidate power over citizens through central bank digital currencies and the elimination of paper cash.

Vast strides have been made in each of bitcoin’s weak areas in the past five years. For someone living in war-torn Ukraine or drought-stricken Somalia, it’s easy enough to receive bitcoin from a donor abroad and to sell it for cash, all in minutes. No passport or bank account or technical expertise is required. In sub-Saharan Africa, it’s even possible to use bitcoin (with a few tradeoffs) with no internet whatsoever, through a popular mobile text messaging protocol.

Bitcoin’s critics have generally never had to deal personally with financial repression. When their bank accounts eventually get frozen, when their payment apps deplatform them, when their wages get devalued, or when their government shows up at their doors asking where a certain bank wire came from, then—finally—they’ll understand bitcoin’s value proposition.

(Photo: ttatty/iStock)

Gold, Not Bitcoin, Is the Most Likely Replacement for Fiat Money

Negative: Lawrence White

I come to praise bitcoin, not to bury it. I certainly don’t come to praise government fiat money or central banking, which I’ve been criticizing in print for my entire career. My first two books, Free Banking in Britain and Competition and Currency, present the case for free and decentralized banking over central banking. I would love it if the world economy were to run on a completely private monetary standard with free banking.

My forthcoming book, Better Money: Gold, Fiat, or Bitcoin?, argues that gold would be a better monetary standard than bitcoin, and that gold is the standard more likely to emerge bottom-up from free choice by money users. We should appreciate bitcoin for the remarkable thing that it is, not for what it isn’t and not for what it isn’t likely to become.

Bitcoin has succeeded tremendously at creating a valuable new type of asset. As Alex Gladstein has emphasized, it provides a remarkable censorship-resistant value-transfer system. But, sad to say, it hasn’t replaced government fiat money as an everyday or commonly accepted medium of exchange, and it isn’t getting any closer to doing so. Granted, some people use bitcoin to remit funds across borders, which counts as medium-of-exchange use, but that too is uncommon. There are cheaper routes for ordinary remittances.

Let me unpack the term “medium of exchange.” It means a good that is acquired by trading away a good or service, and which is intended to be spent in acquiring a third good or service.

That’s not a common pattern with bitcoin. Few people are paid in bitcoin. Few people routinely buy or sell goods and services for bitcoin. Fewer than 3,000 merchants in the United States publicly accept bitcoin, according to NerdWallet subsidiary Fundera’s last count. There are economic reasons for that, most importantly that the purchasing power of bitcoin is highly volatile. It would be a dangerous way to hold your rent money, because its value can drop 10 percent in a few days. Mostly, bitcoin is purchased with fiat (or fiat stablecoins) not to be spent, but to be “hodled” (held) as a form of savings or “store of value,” in hopes that its price will rise. When unhodled, it is mostly exchanged back into fiat.

Bitcoin is not on a trajectory to replace established monies. In the last few years it has actually lost the one niche where it was the leading medium of exchange, namely crypto-asset markets. Bitcoin used to be the main exchange medium used in buying and selling Ether, Dogecoin, Zcash, Monero, and the other coins that constitute the other 58 percent of the total crypto-asset market. No longer. The No. 1 medium of exchange on crypto markets is now USD Tether, followed by other U.S. dollar stablecoins.

Following its current trajectory, bitcoin will continue to serve as a savings vehicle and a niche censor-resistant value-transmitting system, and continue to exhibit high price volatility, without ever replacing other monies as a commonly accepted medium of exchange.

Many bitcoin owners are happy with hodling as a way to get rich. To no-coiners they say: “Have fun staying poor.” They don’t feel the need to insist that bitcoin will supplant established monies. But others want to say that bitcoin is bound to, eventually, take the place of fiat monies, including the dollar, and that it is the future of free exchange.

I can’t say it’s logically impossible for bitcoin to replace established fiat monies, but bitcoin’s built-in volatility makes that unlikely.

One bitcoiner has proposed an “inevitability sequence” in which a growing market cap brings declining price volatility, that encourages wider acceptance of bitcoin as a medium of exchange, and that reinforces declining price volatility, generating a positive feedback loop.

One problem: There’s no evidence of declining price volatility after 13 years.

A second problem: There’s no reason to expect it. Demand for bitcoin remains predominantly speculative, and every demand swing is fully reflected in price because the quantity of bitcoin—unlike ordinary commodities—does not respond to changes in demand that change its price. In Econ 101–speak, the bitcoin supply curve is vertical, completely price-inelastic. By contrast, a demand surge that raises the price of toilet paper soon leads to the production of more toilet paper, bringing the price back down. Gold has a slightly elastic supply in the short run, but very elastic supply over the long term.

A single common money emerges spontaneously because of the network property of a medium of exchange. Silver (or salt, or a cowrie shell) is more useful to you as a medium of exchange if a greater number of potential trading partners accept it. An established money therefore has a strong incumbency advantage.

The 6.4 percent inflation rate of January 2023 (over January 2022), even if it persists, will unfortunately not be sufficient to reverse the U.S. dollar’s incumbency advantage. The recent experiences of other countries with high inflation demonstrate that it takes an inflation rate much higher than 6.4 percent to get people to abandon an incumbent currency and start using something else for ordinary exchanges.

When a country hyperinflates and people do switch (as in Venezuela and Lebanon in recent years), they predominantly switch to U.S. dollars. But, you might ask, what if all the major government fiat monies were to become nearly as bad as the Venezuelan bolivar? Even in the unlikely event that all the fiats do hit 20 percent inflation or more, the gold standard would be more likely to reemerge than a bitcoin standard. On top of gold’s relatively limited volatility, the World Gold Council puts nonbank public ownership at $2.8 trillion in gold coins and bullion, versus the less than $0.5 trillion market cap for bitcoin (with the current price below $25,000). Gold has a larger network.

 

Subscribers have access to Reason‘s whole May 2023 issue now. These debates and the rest of the issue will be released throughout the month for everyone else. Consider subscribing today!

SEC to Coinbase: Nice Crypto Exchange You Got There, It'd Be a Shame if Something Happened to It

Coinbase, which is by trade volume the largest cryptocurrency exchange in the United States, announced yesterday it had been hit by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) with a threat of looming legal action.

As a public Form 8-K filed by Coinbase with the SEC explained, “On March 22, 2023, Coinbase…received a ‘Wells Notice’ from the Staff…of the Securities and Exchange Commission….stating that the Staff has advised the Company that it made a ‘preliminary determination’ to recommend that the SEC file an enforcement action against the Company alleging violations of the federal securities laws.”

In that 8-K filing, which is required to inform the public about important events that might affect shareholders, Coinbase explained that, based on what SEC staff have communicated to them, “these potential enforcement actions would relate to aspects of the Company’s spot market, staking service Coinbase Earn, Coinbase Prime and Coinbase Wallet. The potential civil action may seek injunctive relief, disgorgement, and civil penalties.” (The news is indeed affecting stockholders, with Coinbase’s stock down roughly 13 percent today as of this article’s publication.)

Coinbase Chief Legal Officer Paul Grewal went public with a lot of the frustration that has hit market participants in crypto (and even federal bankruptcy judges) as they try to navigate the SEC’s approach to virtual currencies. Grewal explained how the SEC under chair Gary Gensler has been reshaping regulatory law and policy via enforcement (and the occasional vague public threat).

Grewal echoed the complaints many have had while trying to understand exactly why and when the SEC believes that a cryptocurrency is a security and able to be regulated as such, and thus that companies facilitating trading in them face certain registration requirements. “We asked the SEC specifically to identify which assets on our platforms they believe may be securities, and they declined to do so,” Grewal wrote.

“We continue to think rulemaking and legislation are better tools for defining the law for our industry than enforcement actions,” Grewal went on to say. He again echoed a long-term frustration with the SEC’s apparent desire to reveal what it believes the law requires not through rigorous understandable written notice—something more like actual law or rule making—but by just bashing certain crypto market players against the wall, seemingly at random.

Grewal defended Coinbase’s efforts in trying to understand the law and follow it. In the course of the investigation that led to this week’s notice, “the SEC asked us if we would be interested in discussing a potential resolution that would include registering some portion of our business with the SEC. We said absolutely yes. Specifically, the SEC asked us to provide our views on what a registration path for Coinbase could look like – because there is no existing way for a crypto exchange to register.”

Grewal said that after trying to get the SEC to give feedback on various registration models that Coinbase proposed, the agency generally stonewalled, was unresponsive, and eventually in January just “told us they would be shifting back to an enforcement investigation.” Coinbase insisted “our staking and exchange services are largely unchanged since 2021, when the SEC reviewed our S-1 and allowed us to become a public company,” he wrote. “Our core business model remains the same.”

Grewal noted that different federal agencies have given conflicting reports on the way to legally categorize certain virtual currencies: “The Chair of the CFTC [Commodity Futures Trading Commission] recently testified to Congress that Ethereum is a commodity, which the public has long understood to be the case. Then-CFTC Commissioner Quintenz has said that ‘the SEC has no authority over pure commodities or their trading venues, whether those commodities are wheat, gold, oil…or crypto assets.’ Current SEC Chair recently opined that perhaps BTC [bitcoin] is the only digital asset commodity, which is entirely at odds with the position of the CFTC.”

“If our regulators cannot agree on who regulates which aspects of crypto, the industry has no fair notice on how to proceed,” Grewal concluded. “Against this backdrop, it makes no sense to threaten enforcement actions against trusted public companies like Coinbase who are committed to playing by the rules.”

Whether or not a financial instrument, agreement, or coin in the virtual currency space constitutes a “security” under the reigning “Howey test,” based on the 1946 Supreme Court case SEC v. W.J. Howey Co, continues to be a matter that courts seem to have to sort out on a case-by-case basis. While complex, as most legal definitional principles are, a central element of Howey is that the buyer and seller of the product are involved in a common enterprise involving a monetary investment in which reasonable expectation of profit is derived from the effort of others. Most argue that most virtual currencies are more like commodities whose values fluctuate based on mass market demand, not based on any effort of the original issuer. As Coin Center Director of Research Peter Van Valkenburgh explained in an interesting article assessing whether ether (the second-highest-market-cap virtual currency) should be legally categorized as a security, there is a meaningful distinction between a virtual object that may at some time have been part of some arrangement or offer that might be reasonably seen as a security and a virtual object that is in and of itself always a security.

Grewal insisted that nothing on his exchange should qualify as a security, including the staking services that he said the SEC has been familiar with since 2019. “Until this investigation, we had heard no concerns at all from the SEC about” them, he explained.

Grewal believes, as do many in the crypto space who have been watching with dismay as the SEC’s wrecking ball swings unpredictably, that SEC actions like this “will only drive innovation, jobs, and the entire industry overseas.”

Bankrupt Crypto Exchange FTX Under Investigation

What’s going on with FTX? The cryptocurrency exchange FTX has filed for bankruptcy amid revelations that it lent billions in customer assets to an affiliated trading firm called Alameda Research. Now its owner—a prominent Democratic donor and supporter of cryptocurrency regulation—is reportedly under criminal investigation.

Both FTX and Alameda Research were owned by Sam Bankman-Fried. Earlier this year, a Fortune magazine headline said he “has been called the next Warren Buffett.” But “now, Bankman-Fried looks, at best, like the original storyline for Michael Saylor of Microstrategy during the Dotcom bust. Or, more likely, like Elizabeth Holmes of Theranos infamy. Or, with increasing plausibility, like a less civic-minded Bernie Madoff,” writes Michael W. Green at Common Sense.

Bankman-Fried’s downfall is bad news for Democrats. He spent a reported $36 million on donations to Democrats this election season, making him “the second-largest donor to Democrats after George Soros,” according to the Financial Times.

What it means for cryptocurrency regulation is less clear. Bankman-Fried and FTX were major proponents of the proposed Digital Commodities Consumer Protection Act (DCCPA), which was introduced in the Senate in August and passed out of the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs in September. “The whole thing was being spearheaded by Sam and FTX, and their credibility has just been shredded,” Nic Carter, a general partner at Castle Island Ventures, told Fortune.

“While some hoped that legislation like the DCCPA would pass during the lame-duck session after Tuesday’s midterms, [Kristin Smith of the Blockchain Association] said that’s now unlikely, both because Bankman-Fried was a driving force and that policymakers may be more reluctant as they wait for the fallout,” Fortune reports.

But FTX’s implosion could ultimately serve as fodder for those who think cryptocurrency-related businesses need more oversight. “The recent events show the necessity of congressional action,” argued Rep. Patrick McHenry (R–N.C.), the top Republican on the House Financial Services Committee, in a statement. 

The downfall of FTX is at once simple and complicated.

The root cause seems to be simple: poor decisions—bordering on fraud—by Bankman-Fried. As a cryptocurrency exchange, FTX is supposed to hold people’s crypto assets and help them make trading transactions (a service for which it collects a fee). Instead, it lent billions of dollars in customer assets to Alameda Research, a scheme The Wall Street Journal described last week:

FTX Chief Executive Sam Bankman-Fried said in investor meetings this week that Alameda owes FTX about $10 billion, people familiar with the matter said. FTX extended loans to Alameda using money that customers had deposited on the exchange for trading purposes, a decision that Mr. Bankman-Fried described as a poor judgment call, one of the people said.

All in all, FTX had $16 billion in customer assets, the people said, so FTX lent more than half of its customer funds to its sister company Alameda….

FTX paused customer withdrawals earlier this week after it was hit with roughly $5 billion worth of withdrawal requests on Sunday, according to a Thursday morning tweet from Mr. Bankman-Fried. The crisis forced FTX to scramble for an emergency investment.

FTX made a deal to sell to its rival Binance, but Binance backed out, saying the company’s problems were “beyond our control or ability to help.”

Now the U.S. Department of Justice, the Securities and Exchange Commission, and the Manhattan U.S. attorney’s office are reportedly investigating.

Whether or how Bankman-Fried broke the law is more complicated. Lending out customer funds without their consent “is generally forbidden in the regulated securities and derivatives markets,” notes the Journal, but the same rule doesn’t apply when it comes to cryptocurrency. Still, the move may be considered fraud or embezzlement. From the Journal:

“What this will boil down to is, were there deliberate lies to convince depositors or investors to part with their assets?” said Samson Enzer, a former Manhattan federal prosecutor. “Were there statements made that were false, and the maker of those statements knew they were false and made with the intent to deceive the investor?”

Prosecutors also could home in, the lawyers said, on statements Mr. Bankman-Fried made on Twitter last week, when he said FTX was “fine” and customer assets were safe—comments he later deleted.

Jurisdiction in this case is also complicated. FTX is based in the Bahamas, and was previously based in Hong Kong, though it did serve U.S. customers and have a U.S. affiliate.

The details of FTX’s bankruptcy are also complicated. “FTX is what’s known in the industry as a ‘free fall’ bankruptcy,” reports Bloomberg:

More than 130 related companies sought court protection at the end of last week without filing any of the usual court motions or explanatory documents seen in a big US insolvency case. Two days later, the companies’ main court docket contains only a 23-page fill-in-the-blank petition. In nearly every other multi-billion dollar Chapter 11 case in recent years, lawyers quickly file a smattering of routine requests designed to stabilize operations.

In a statement, the company’s new chief executive officer—a man who helped oversee the unwinding of Enron Corp.—told customers that details about the bankruptcy would hit the court docket “over the coming days.”


ELECTION 2022

Democrats retain control of Senate. The victory of incumbent Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto in Nevada means Democrats will continue to control the U.S. Senate next year. Cortez Masto beat Republican Adam Laxalt in a very close race. That means Democrats now have 50 Senate seats and—with the vice president’s tie-breaking vote in play—a Senate majority, no matter what happens in Georgia, where Sen. Raphael Warnock (D–Ga.) and Republican challenger Herschel Walker are heading into a runoff vote.

Several elections for seats in the U.S. House of Representatives are still too close to call. “Republicans were closer to taking the House, having won 211 seats compared to Democrats’ 206, with 218 needed for a majority,” reports Reuters. “But the final outcome might not be known for days as officials continue counting ballots nearly a week after Americans went to the polls.”


FREE MINDS

RIP Sharon Presley and Martin Morse Wooster. Two libertarian luminaries, Sharon Presley and Martin Morse Wooster, passed away recently. Both were contributors to Reason.

Wooster died on November 12 after being struck by a car in a hit-and-run in Williamsburg, Virginia. He was a senior fellow at the Capital Research Center, a journalist, and the author of several books, including Angry Classrooms, Vacant MindsThe Great Philanthropists and the Problem of “Donor Intent”; and Great Philanthropic Mistakes. For a while he served as Reason‘s Washington editor. You can find his extensive Reason archive here.

Presley died on October 31 after a long struggle with various health issues. A longtime libertarian activist, she was the founder of Laissez Faire Books, the founder and executive director of the Association of Libertarian Feminists, and the author or editor of several books, including Exquisite Rebel: The Essays of Voltairine de CleyreYou can find her Reason archive here.


FREE MARKETS

A preview of Scott Lincicome’s new book on how free markets can help American workers:


QUICK HITS

• “Every election denier who sought to become the top election official in a critical battleground state lost at the polls this year, as voters roundly rejected extreme partisans who promised to restrict voting and overhaul the electoral process,” reports The New York Times.

• Arizona Republican Kari Lake looks like she’s losing the Arizona’s governor race.

• There’s no good reason to expand the government-funded school lunch program, argues Baylen Linnekin.

• “Donald Trump’s attorneys filed a lawsuit seeking to block the House January 6 select committee’s subpoena demanding testimony in the investigation into Capitol attack,” reports The Guardian.

• A potted plant could beat a Trump Republican these days, writes J.D. Tuccille.

• Nataša Pirc Musar, a lawyer who has represented Melania Trump, has become the first female president of Slovenia.

• New York Republican George Santos has won a seat in the U.S. House. Santos is the first openly gay non-incumbent Republican to be elected to Congress: